Speeches

Statements by Senior

Embassy Officials

As Prepared
Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies
Conference on U.S.-Israeli Relations in a New Era
Bar Ilan University
Session on "U.S.-Israeli Strategic Glue"
The Future of Security Cooperation
May 21, 2007

This session's theme is "US-Israeli Strategic Glue", and I have been asked to talk about the history and future of U.S.-Israeli security cooperation, which is an extremely important topic. The vast majority of Israelis surveyed in a recent BESA Center/ADL Poll -- some 91% -- believe that close relations between the U.S. and Israel are vital for the security of the State of Israel. Over the next twenty minutes, I will review how this cooperation began, what we are doing now, and some of the challenges our nations face.

First, what makes us stick together?

Bilateral relations between the United States and Israel are unusual in that they are based on deeply held and cherished common moral values, not just cold calculations of "realpolitik." In 1948, at the dawn of modern Israel, Harry Truman brushed aside the urging of some of his advisors when they said to "go slow," or "wait and see," before offering the new Jewish state de facto recognition. For him, supporting a Jewish homeland constituted a moral imperative rooted in his faith and the understanding it gave him of the suffering and dreams of the Jewish people. Indeed, America's recognition of Israel came just 11 minutes after David Ben Gurion proclaimed Israel's independence on May 14 of that year. President Truman's act of moral courage demonstrated that U.S. policy toward Israel would be guided by morality and deep personal conviction as well as traditional national interests. So it was then; so it remains now.

Over the years, America has stood by Israel during times of war, and throughout the quest for peace. Americans see in Israel a nation sharing America's commitment to democracy. They also identify with Israel's industrious and creative spirit and love of freedom.

As President Kennedy once said "Israel was not created in order to disappear-Israel will endure and flourish. It is the child of hope and home of the brave. It can neither be broken by adversity nor demoralized by success. It carries the shield of democracy and it honors the sword of freedom." It must continue to carry that shield.

What are the ties that bind us?

Over the years, as Israel has grown, the ties between our nations have strengthened and deepened. Today, our close cooperation extends to nearly every aspect of government activity, from national security affairs to social policy dialogue, from strategic cooperation to joint medical projects and scientific pursuits. To help manage this broad, increasingly complex web of relationships, more than a dozen government agencies are represented at the Embassy in Tel Aviv.

Americans from all walks of life, and all parts of our country, care passionately about Israel. There are now over 200,000 Americans living in Israel with tens of thousands visiting each year. Thousands of Israelis come to the United States every year to work, study, or just see our country. In recent years, we have averaged 150,000 visas to Israeli applicants. Fulbright scholars as well as congressional and Knesset delegations all contribute to the glue that holds us together. I've served in seven foreign countries in my career; Israel is the only one that routinely hosts American officials at the state and even local levels of government.

The commitment to cooperation is mutual. Together, our countries have endowed several bi-national foundations to further strengthen collaboration in specific areas. We have the "BIRD," the Bi-national Industrial Research and Development Foundation. We have the "BARD," the Bi-national Agricultural Research and Development Foundation. We have the Bi-national Science Fund; we have the U.S.-Israel Science and Technology Foundation. All told, these funds' endowments exceed 300 million dollars. That's more than 1 billion NIS, even at today's exchange rate! Over the years, the research they have sponsored has led to many of the technologies that have been commercialized by Israeli start-up companies, which are often registered on America's NASDAQ stock exchange.

A Short History of Our Security Cooperation

It may come as a surprise, given the strength of today's relations, but although we signed a Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement in 1952, the early years of the U.S.-Israeli relationship were not nearly as close as they are today. In fact in Israel's early years, France played the predominant role in providing Israel with security assistance.

During the 1950's and 1960's, the U.S. and Israel were embroiled in several crises, two of which I will mention briefly in order to demonstrate the contrast with the close security cooperation that exists today

During the SUEZ CRISIS of 1956, the United States strongly opposed the Franco-British-Israeli campaign against Egyptian forces in the Sinai. The United States convened the UN Security Council, and, failing there -- due to a double Anglo-French veto, mobilized the General Assembly to dispatch a UN Emergency Force to the Sinai to bring an end to the crisis. "UNEF" had a mandate to secure and supervise the cessation of hostilities, including the withdrawal of the armed forces of France, Israel and the United Kingdom from Egyptian territory and, after the withdrawal, to serve as a buffer between the Egyptian and Israeli forces. At the time, the Eisenhower Administration placed a ban on arms sales to Israel, which lasted until 1962.

In 1967, a US Navy ship, the USS Liberty, came under attack from Israeli forces while sailing in international waters. The attack resulted in the death of 34 American sailors and the wounding of 173. Israel later apologized for that attack and termed it a mistake; the United States accepted that apology.

Qualitative Military Edge for Forty Years

Following the Six Day War in 1967, the U.S. Congress made a pivotal commitment to ensuring Israel's qualitative military edge when it enacted the Foreign Assistance Act of 1968, which stated: "It is the sense of the Congress that the President should take such steps...to negotiate an agreement with the Government of Israel providing for the sale by the United States of such number of supersonic planes as may be necessary to provide Israel with an adequate deterrent force capable of preventing future Arab aggression ..."

For almost 40 years now, American policy has been based on the principle that Israel should have a qualitative military edge (or QME) over its neighbors so as to ensure its survival. President Nixon gave this policy flesh with a major increase in American assistance to Israel in 1971 -- nearly 540 million dollars from just 30 million in 1970. During the Yom Kippur War in 1973, President Nixon, overruled some of his advisors and worked with Congress to authorize a massive airlift of military supplies from the United States. American support proved critical to Israel's ability to survive its toughest battle since independence. In 1974, Israel became the largest recipient of U.S. foreign assistance.

During the Nixon and Carter administrations, the U.S. also played a key role in concluding disengagement agreements between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Syria (1973-74), the Camp David Accords (1978) and the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty (1979).

Peace with Egypt Leads to Dramatic Increase in Assistance

At the time of the Camp David Accords in 1978, the United States began to expand its economic and security assistance significantly. It has been at the three-billion-dollar level since 1985, and we recently surpassed the 100 billion dollar-level of total American assistance for Israel -- more than half of it in military assistance. Unlike other recipients of U.S. military assistance, Israel has been able to spend or invest a significant portion of its military aid at home, in Israel. Last year roughly 25%, or $595 million, of US security assistance was plowed directly into the Israeli economy.

In the early 1980's the newly inaugurated Reagan administration introduced the concept of "strategic consensus," which called for regional states, from Pakistan to Egypt, to cooperate with Washington to oppose the common Soviet threat. Its goal was enhanced access and a regional network of support facilities for U.S. military forces. Expanded US arms sales were offered to potential partners as a principal incentive for embracing strategic consensus.

Israel embraced the concept, and, on November 30, 1981, then US Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger and then Israeli Minister of Defense Ariel Sharon signed a "Memorandum of Understanding" (MOU) on strategic cooperation. This MOU "reaffirmed the common bonds of friendship between the United States and Israel and established a framework for continued consultation and cooperation to enhance their national security by deterring such threats to the whole region." This pivotal agreement led to the formation of a Joint Political-Military Group (JMPG) that still exists to this day. Joint air and sea military exercises began in 1984, and Congress designated Israel as a major non-NATO ally in 1987.

I cite these developments during the 1980s to make the point that our bilateral cooperation on regional peace and resisting Soviet expansionism, which were of paramount importance to the United States, helped to pave the way for enhanced cooperation on security issues of paramount importance to Israel.

Addressing Missile Threats through Security Cooperation.

Of course, our interests often coincide. Since 1988, Israel and the U.S. have worked together to develop the Arrow Anti-Missile System, a weapon with theater ballistic missile defense capability. In 1991, Israel exercised tremendous restraint in response to Iraqi aggression, and the United States deployed another anti-missile system -- the Patriot -- to help protect Israel from SCUD attacks launched by Iraq. This was an example of maintaining QME through innovative means, using anti-missile systems to counter new strategic threats. While the technical effectiveness of the Patriots deployed at that time was questionable, there's no doubt that they helped calm the public's nerves at a crucial time.

So much for history, now, let's talk about where we are today. As is often the case between friends, there are both strategic strengths and bilateral irritants in the relationship. I will review some of each.

Security Cooperation Success Stories

Ballistic Missile Defense has become a major area of cooperation between our two industries. The Arrow Missile Program has a large American component in it and we are working with Israel to expand Israel's Missile Defense System so that it will be multi-tiered. This venture benefits both of our countries.
Some of the technologies that are being used to protect our soldiers in Iraq today originated in Israel, especially counter-IED technology that helps protect our soldiers from roadside bombs.
Israel will build the helmet for the Joint Strike Fighter (JSF), which is a major American weapons system that is going to come on line in the next decade or so. The helmet will display critical data on the inside of the pilot's helmet visor enabling the pilot to engage his weapons more effectively. It reminds me of a Sci-fi movie!
All told, the United States is Israel's largest foreign customer for military equipment after India. More than a billion dollars' worth of Israeli military equipment is sold to the United States every year. This trade helps strengthen relationships between our militaries and our defense industries.
Our military assistance has spawned a number of bilateral committees that work together to promote mutual security. In addition to the Joint Political Military Group, we have the Defense Policy Advisory Group and, since 2001, we have engaged twice-yearly in a bilateral Strategic Dialogue, which is currently led by Transportation Minister Shaul Mofaz and Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns. The next session is scheduled for early June.
Over 1,000 Israelis attend training annually in U.S. courses from senior fellows at Harvard to logistics courses for junior officers.
In the economic security arena, we discuss Israeli monetary and fiscal policy, particularly in the Joint Economic Development Group (JEDG). This group has helped to oversee Israeli government implementation of economic reforms agreed during the negotiation of an American loan guarantee program for Israel several years ago. The reforms have been embraced by a succession of Israeli governments and, we believe, have contributed significantly to the dramatic improvement in the Israeli economy's performance in recent years.
The U.S. and Israel signed an agreement on counterterrorism cooperation at the White House in 1996. Since 9/11, this bilateral cooperation has expanded greatly. About three quarters of the work that our law enforcement people do with one another today is in combating terrorism. (The other one quarter combats organized and white-collar crime.) Israeli Shin Bet officers have testified in American courts on terrorism cases. A bilateral "Technical Security Working Group" has developed technology which has benefited both countries in fighting terrorism.

Addressing Bilateral Irritants: Smuggling, Exports, Settlements

Any two countries are bound to have some frictions in their relations. This is especially true when they have as broad and rich a relationship as Israel and the United States. As an Ambassador, as a diplomat, my job is to help remove them. In my experience the easiest way to do so is by recognizing their existence and discussing candidly the need to resolve them, not only with government officials but also sometimes in public, although usually very gingerly. I have also found that when we remove irritants, the relationship grows closer and stronger. Areas where we are concentrating today to help make our strategic "glue" even stickier include:

Trafficking-in-Persons. This means prostitution, bringing women across borders, but it also means exploiting men, women and child laborers, treating them like indentured servants, if not slaves. You see a lot of foreign workers in Israel, farm workers, domestics, companions for elderly people, etc. If they are brought here legally and treated fairly, that is great. But, many arrive illegally; others come here legally having been promised one job only to receive a different one when they arrive, often at a lower wage and with fewer benefits. Sometimes, to reach Israel they have to incur large debts to the recruiting agency or for their travel. Such debts effectively bind them to several years' service to earn repayment. This is an area where Israel was lagging behind international norms, and it became an irritant in our relations. Fortunately, however, Israel has been making very good progress in combating TIP in recent years, particularly against prostitution. Last year, for the first time, Israel decided to criminalize labor trafficking which was an important step. Israel also appointed a single person who will lead anti-trafficking efforts within the Israeli government. While this is predominantly a human rights issue and a fairness issue, it is also a security issue. Illegal workers are often smuggled (or trafficked) into the country. Traffickers who smuggle people will also smuggle drugs, arms, and terrorists. It is very much in Israel's national security interest to cut out smuggling of all types, starting with the smuggling of human beings.
Export controls. We had a couple of cases before I came here of sales of Israeli equipment to foreign powers; one involved American technology. The other did not necessarily involve American technology but would have had a significant impact on the safety of American forces in the Far East. It was also of concern because it took place after we had received assurances that Israel would consult with us before making any more sales potentially damaging to US security. Fortunately, on this issue too, we are moving towards resolution. Legislation strengthening Israel's export controls is under review in the Knesset now. The responsibilities for export promotion and export licensing, which formerly were housed in one office, have already been divided within the Ministry of Defense. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor have been given roles in the review process. So, there are now checks and balances in the licensing process. Before, when the people who were in change of promoting exports were also the people who were in charge of licensing exports, there was more than a little conflict of interest! This created a real risk that sensitive technologies might be compromised in the quest for commercial gain. It's no wonder then that the US has long stressed this issue. In fact, when Secretary Gates was here recently, he emphasized the importance of export controls. Nonetheless, I think we have made a lot of progress on this issue. The first visit by a U.S. Secretary of Defense in eight years is a good sign that we are putting it behind us. As a footnote, here, I would like to take this opportunity to dispel a perception sometimes touted in the local media that the United States has sought to prevent Israeli arms sales for commercial reasons. Well, if we really wanted to prevent Israeli arms sales, I doubt we would be buying a billion dollars' worth of Israeli materiel ourselves. In fact, our dialogue on export controls is improving both American and Israeli security. Perhaps this is why no Israeli official has ever suggested to me that the U.S. is seeking to hamper Israel's exports of its defense products for commercial reasons.
Settlements and Outposts. The 1998 Wye River Memorandum provided $1.2 billion in U.S. aid to fund the movement of troops and military installations out of areas of the West Bank. The US Army Corps of Engineers helped construct new IDF bases in Israel proper, even though implementation of the Wye Agreement stalled. Prime Minister Sharon, however, disengaged Israeli forces and removed settlements from the Gaza Strip and parts of the West Bank. In a 2004 letter to President Bush, PM Sharon also acknowledged the responsibility of the State of Israel to limit the growth of settlements and to remove unauthorized outposts. Settlements and outposts remain an area of concern for the U.S. in our relationship with Israel.

QME. Of course, from the Israeli perspective, our sales of military equipment to Arab states sometimes appear problematic. Since I have been here, I have had the occasion to discuss transfers or sales of equipment to the Palestinian Authority, to Lebanon and to Arab Gulf States, including Saudi Arabia. We all know in the past that some of these transfers of sales have been very problematic for Israel, for example, F-15's and AWACS to Saudi Arabia. So, I would not be surprised if Israeli officials view such transfers as an irritant in our relationship. However, we believe that we are very careful to take Israel's interests into account. When he was here, Secretary Gates went out of his way to reassure his hosts of the strength of his personal commitment to Israel's QME.

As frustrating as they can be when they are complicating our relations, I want again to stress that even irritants can strengthen bilateral relations. As the US and Israel cooperate to work through the tensions in our relationship and we learn more about one another's concerns through candid dialogue, our officials are building a record of productive practical cooperation that should help surmount future disagreements. I have already seen this to be the case during my time here.

Current Challenges

Another ingredient of the strategic glue that binds Israel and the US together is a shared perception of the threats confronting the region today. For example, nowadays many of our strategic discussions focus on Iran. As you might guess, the US and Israel pretty much see eye-to-eye on Iran. We are both deeply concerned by its support for terrorism, and particularly its efforts to acquire nuclear weapons. We communicate and collaborate closely in these areas. We exchange information and I think we have a common view of the danger that an Iranian nuclear weapon would present to the international community and the importance of diplomatic solutions.

We also have common opinions about Syria's support for Hizballah in Lebanon and for Palestinian rejectionist groups. It continues to play a very problematic role in Iraq and Lebanon. When it comes to terror groups like Hizballah and Hamas, there is also no difference of opinion between Israel and the United States. We consulted closely during the work on UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which laid out the terms of the cease-fire that ended the Second Lebanon War with Hizballah. During that war, the U.S. resupplied Israel military equipment (but did not resupply cluster munitions). On August 6, 2006, Congress authorized a doubling of U.S. stockpiles in Israel.

On the Palestinian issue, Israel has also endorsed President Bush's call for a two-state solution. Secretary Rice negotiated an agreement on movement and access in November 2005, shortly after I arrived. We know the reasons why implementation has lagged, but nonetheless, we are doing everything we can to push for better implementation of that agreement. The operation of the Rafah Crossing between Gaza and Egypt is very important in that regard. The operation of the Karni Crossing for goods between Gaza and Israel is also very important, as is removing obstacles to movement within the West Bank. We watch those issues very closely, with the aim of improving quality of life for Palestinians while enhancing Israel's security.

Conclusion

Israel today, with its booming high-tech industries, vibrantly diverse cultural and intellectual life, and gleaming skyscrapers, represents a remarkable human achievement by any standard. Israel has come a long way from the desperate days of the founding of the state, despite the constant threat of war and terrorist attack.

Notwithstanding its prosperity and military strength, however, Israel continues to face serious challenges to its existence. Iran's President openly calls for wiping Israel off the map, and Hamas leader Khalid Mish'al stubbornly refuses to accept that Israel has a right to exist. The same ideology of hate and destruction that threatens Israel also threatens Europe and the U.S., but Israel is situated at the locus of this ideology, and indeed serves as a lightening rod for it. When you add to this mix Iran's drive to develop a nuclear bomb, the serious nature of its challenge to Israel's security becomes clear. However, as real as this challenge is, I am confident that with America by its side Israel will continue to thrive for many generations to come.

In this regard, I want to close by assuring you that the United States remains steadfastly committed to Israel's security and President Bush's vision of two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace. In fact, America relies on its close ties and security cooperation with Israel to help facilitate peace in the Middle East. The countries of the region understand that the United States is the one world power that Israel trusts and will listen to when it's time to make tough decisions for peace. So, in a way, US influence in the region is enhanced by our strategic cooperation with Israel.

I am confident that bilateral relations will remain strong, not only throughout the remainder of President Bush's term, but well into the future. If you look at the record, Israel has always enjoyed bipartisan support in the US. Regardless of who wins the US Presidential election in the fall of 2008, the result will more likely rejuvenate than harm U.S.-Israeli relations. I dare say that the same is true for future changes in Israeli governments.

Thank you.